Mt. Shasta Mysteries

Picture by BoboZ
Native American Views on Mt. Shasta
The Native American peoples who historically have inhabited the area around Mount Shasta were as culturally diverse as the geography they occupied. The major indigenous peoples of this area were: the Shastans, Achumawi, Atsugewi, Wintu, and Modoc. These peoples all lived on lands, which both touch on and were affected by Mount Shasta. This landscape dominated by Mount Shasta provided for everything that the indigenous people needed - food, shelter, clothing, and tools. The mountains and streams of Siskiyou County provided the Indians with their most important foods: acorns, salmon, and deer. Other animals and plants were utilized for food, clothing, medicines, tools and trade goods. Timber was used for shelter and boats, and volcanic stone (basalt and obsidian) were fashioned into useful tools and weapons. Mount Shasta and the surrounding ecosystems provided everything for Siskiyou County's first inhabitants.
Dominating the landscape, Mount Shasta was also an important part of the Indians' worldview. A number of researchers have reported a variety of Indian terms used to refer to Mount Shasta. Zanger states that the Achumawi and Atsugewi called the mountain "Yet", the Wintu referred to it as "Behem Puyok", and the Modoc identified Mount Shasta as "Melaikshi" ). A survey of Miesses's Mount Shasta: An Annotated Bibliography, reveals these additional Indians references to Mount Shasta: the Shasta people called the mountain withassa , or wai-i-ki ; the Wintun utilized wai-mak , way wan buli, bulim phuyng, bulit , and Bú-lam Pó-yok .
Floyd Buckskin
Floyd Buckskin is Headman of the Ajumawi Band, Pit River Tribe whose traditional lands lie east and south of Mount Shasta. He wrote the following about realizing the Creator's purpose in Mount Shasta:
The mountain is sacred just as all things created by the Creator God are, but are we supposed to worship and glorify things created above the Creator himself? Where is that love for him? I love Mount Shasta because the Creator made it just like he created everything. But I love him more because he can help me, teach me, love me. He can heal and correct me. Mount Shasta cannot do that of itself. But the Creator's active spirit through Mount Shasta, through you or anything or direct from the Creator himself, can. It is the Creator's active spirit in all of creation that keeps us alive. It is in all of us if we just acknowledge and honor the Creator. Worship him in spirit aud truth, and throw out the middleman.
The only reason that Mount Shasta is important and any of his creation including you and me, is to remind one another of the Creator, God, and that his purposes will be realized in all of creation, so that honor and worship are directed to him, not to the thing created. I love the Creator, I love you, I love life, I love the earth, there is no need to fight over that. Let the Creator be praised on the mountain, in your home, in your heart, by the river, beneath the shade tree; everywhere at all times and places let him be praised. No mountain can contain him, no temple, no palace, even the earth, nor the stars, but he contains and maintains them all. He establishes his tents with us, and these things that we are expire and cease to exist efore him, but he calls us into being and we exist again, because he loves us, and his will and purpose is realized forever.
Then why protect anything? It's because the Creator gave us a responsibility the day of our creation to take care of the earth. Our people have been here for thousands of years. One of the old prophesies speaks about how we had to take care of this place, take care of this land, take care of this earth, these plants and things, because that's our life. The prophesy says that when the snow begins to disappear on Mount Shasta, we as a people will also disappear. It says that when the snow disappears, things will come upon your people, upon the land, that will threaten your very existence.
That's why we make any effort to protect sacred places, mountains, streams or lakes, animals. We don't own it, the Creator owns it, but he gave it to us to use, to respect and take care of it, until such time as he comes to reclaim it. The earth isn't just the planet, it's you and me. Do we love one another, take care of one another, feed one another? We're not Americans, we're nor Europeans, we're not Indians. We're not our own people but his people. The things that belong to him are his. So he is returning to examine us to see if we have fulfilled what he has put us here for. And if we have lived up to that, then we can enter into his joy, his life.
So what does Mount Shasta mean to Native people?. It means our culture, our way of life, our food, our religion, our symbols, and all those things like that. It's important to us. And those are for our teaching and our understanding, and they're not necessary for you. You have your teachings and traditions that you can draw on. It's available, it's not hidden anywhere. Eagle feathers aren't necessary to pray, to communicate with the Spirit.. We can do that freely, without material things before us. So we can go to the mountains, the rives, the streams, the quiet places, because the Creator calls us to those quiet places so that we can talk to him without interruption and without confusion. We need these places; that's why we need to take cart of them, because we're taking care of our need to be with and communicate with the Creator in a beautiful way.
http://www.ienearth.org/buckskin.html
http://www.siskiyous.edu/shasta/fol/index.htm
The Lemurian Legend
Perhaps the most popular example of Mount Shasta lore, and a legend involving the first claim by non-Native Americans for a spiritual connection with the mountain, concerns the mystical brotherhood believed to roam through jeweled corridors deep inside the mountain. According to Miesse, "In the mid-19th Century paleontologists coined the term "Lemuria" to describe a hypothetical continent, bridging the Indian Ocean, which would have explained the migration of lemurs from Madagascar to India. Lemuria was a continent which submerged and was no longer to be seen. By the late 19th Century occult theories had developed, mostly through the theosophists, that the people of this lost continent of Lemuria were highly advanced beings. The location of the folklore 'Lemuria' changed over time to include much of the Pacific Ocean. In the 1880s a Siskiyou County, California, resident named Frederick Spencer Oliver wrote A Dweller on Two Plants, or, the Dividing of the Way which described a secret city inside of Mount Shasta, and in passing mentioned Lemuria. Edgar Lucian Larkin, a writer and astronomer, wrote in 1913 an article in which he reviewed the Oliver book. In 1925 a writer by the name of Selvius wrote "Descendants of Lemuria: A Description of an Ancient Cult in America" which was published in the Mystic Triangle, Aug., 1925 and which was entirely about the mystic Lemurian village at Mount Shasta. Selvius reported that Larkin had seen the Lemurian village through a telescope. In 1931 Wisar Spenle Cerve published a widely read book entitled Lemuria: The Lost Continent of the Pacific in which the Selvius material appeared in a slightly elaborated fashion. The Lemuria-Mount Shasta legend has developed into one of Mount Shasta's most prominent legends"
According to Zanger, Frederick Spencer Oliver was a Yrekan teen who claimed that his hand began to uncontrollably write a manuscript dictated to him by Phylos, a Lemurian spirit . Meisse points out that Oliver's novel of spiritual fiction is "The single most important source of Mount Shasta's esoteric legends. The book contains the first published references linking Mt. Shasta to: 1) a mystical brotherhood; 2) a tunnel entrance to a secret city inside Mount Shasta; 3) Lemuria; 4) the concept of "I AM"; 5) "channeling" of ethreal spirits; 6)a panther surprise" . The author claims to have written most of the novel within sight of Mount Shasta, and autobiographical telling of the story from Phylos the Thibetan's point of view is an interesting twist. We have included a few pages of text from the novel, including the reference to the mystic brotherhood that lives amid "the walls, polished as by jewelers, though excavated by giants; floors carpeted with long, fleecy gray fabric that looked like fur, but was a mineral product; ledges intersected by the builders, and in their wonderful polish exhibiting veinings of gold, of silver, of green copper ores, and maculations of precious stones."
In 1908, Adelia H. Taffinder wrote an article, "A Fragment of the Ancient Continent of Lemuria," for the Atlantic Monthly. In her article she links the concept of Lemuria to California, and Meisse proposses that the article, "with its Theosophical teachings and extension of the Lemurian Myth to California, may have been part of the research material involved in the creation of the Mount Shasta Lemurian Myth as presented by Selvius in 1925 and Creve in 1931"
Selvius' 1925 two-page article, "Decendants of Lemuria" is, according to Meisse, "the singlemost inportant document in the establishment of the modern Mt. Shasta-Lemurian myth," so we have included Selvius' full-text article. Selvius claims that Professor Edgar Lucian Larkin viewed the Lemurian site on Mount Shasta using his telescope: "Even no less a careful investigator and scientist than Prof. Edgar Lucin Larkin, for many years director of Mount Lowe Observatory, said in newspaper and magazine articles that he had seen, on many occasions, the great temple of this mystic village, while gazing through a long-distance telescope."
Although Selvius' article is the most historically interesting, Wishar Spenle Cerve's 1931 Lemuria: The Lost Continent of the Pacific is, according to Meisse, "responsible for the legend's widespread popularity" . Perhaps most intriging is Meisse's speculation that "it appears from the similarity of material that "Selvius" and "Cerve" were one and the same person" . Further muddying the waters is Edward Stul's worth claim that "Wishar Spenly Cerve" is really a letter-for-letter pseudonym for "Harve Spencer Lewis," first Imperator of the Rosicrucian Order of North and South America. Still, it is Cerve's book, published by the Ancient Mystical Order Rosae Crucis, that has provided the popular description of the Lemurians as "tall, graceful, and agile," and as visitors that "would come to one of the smaller towns and trade nuggets and gold dust for some modern commodities" .
The idea of a lost continent (and the subsequent existence of Lemurians on Mount Shasta), quickly became widely known, though perhaps not so widely believed. In 1939, Mount Shasta botanist William Cooke was in a Cincinati library when he was asked if he "knew anything about the LeMurians." A few months later, in a Mount Shasta Herald article called "Lights on Mt. Shasta: Evidences Discounted," Cooke questions the legend that Larkin could have used a telescope to see any structures on Mount Shasta. About a year later, in another Herald article, titled "Wm. Bridge Cooke Discusses 'Lost Continent' Book," Cooke questioned the possibility of a Lemuria or Mu .
Today the belief that Lemurians inhabit the mountain is still very popular, and anyone visiting the local bookstores will likely be suprised by the plethora of texts on the subject.
Ascended Masters
Perhaps the most intriguing legend associated with our mountain concerns Guy Ballard's claim to have met the Ascended Master Saint Germain in 1930 while hiking on the mountain. Ballard's encounter, as well as subsequent interactions with Ascended Masters, were published under the pseudonym of Godfre Ray King in a series of books that now serve (along with The Bible) as the texts for the "I AM" religious activity.
According to Gordon Melton's Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America, "I AM" is the name God uses for Himself in Exodus (3:14). The "I AM" followers believe that God's energy, as well as the energy from Ascended Masters, can be tapped by each person's "higher self." Before becoming an Ascended Master, Saint Germain used this connection to divine energy to purify himself and then "ascend" to God. "I AM" members also consider themselves Christian in that they believe Jesus (also an Ascended Master) is responsible for the "Christ Light," the Divine Light of Love available to those wishing to ascend from darkness to light. The "I AM" student studies how to tap into the "Christ Light" (or Mighty I AM Presence) to eliminate evil, purify themselves, and eventually (with the help of the Ascended Masters) perhaps ascend to become an Ascended Master as well.
In 1957, A.F. Eichorn put together a brief but interesting historical overview of the local "I AM" activity, and the full-text article is worth reading for its extensive quotes from King's Unveiled Mysteries and Eichorn's comments about the early persecution of the "I AM" membership. Still, anyone wanting a more thorough understanding of the "Ascended Masters" should refer to Legends: Ascended Masters in Mr. Miesse's Mount Shasta: An Annotated Bibliography.
Harmonic Convergence
Although I enjoy reading about folklore, I much prefer being a participant or observer. Besides collecting and spreading jokes, proverbial sayings and urban legends, I try to attend local festivals whenever I can. A participant/observer at a community festival can glean worthy insight into community values and customs. Not only can such research tell us much about the people observed, such study can not but help us to better understand our own values and customs. Most of the local festivals I have attended are small, community events (Holy Ghost Festival in Hawkinsville, Horseradish Festival in Tulelake, and the Weed Carnivale--stereotypical small-town religious or harvest festivals), but during August 15-17, 1987, Ken Goehring and I had the chance to study a fairly large and diverse gathering on Mount Shasta--the Harmonic Convergence. While the event started out as a one-time calendar celebration, the subsequent yearly celebrations on August 17th allow the event to be considered a "festival" from a folklore perspective.
Like other festivals, the Harmonic Convergence started primarily as a celebration of shared values or beliefs. What made the Convergence a bit different, however, is that the "community" came from all over the world, and the uniting beliefs were a mix of the New Age, the Bible, and ancient Mayan astronomy. The Convergence apparently had its origin in the book "The Mayan Factor" by Jose Arguelles, published early 1987. Arguelles' text argued that during a critical time (August 16-17) the prophecies of the Bible, Aztec and Mayan calendars indicated that the world would either begin a new age or be destroyed. If 144,000 self-chosen people were "resonating" with peace during this important time, worldwide, though especially at the "power centers" like Mount Shasta, Arguelles believed the world could be saved from destruction. Besides at least one folklorist and an anthropologist, and a plethora of news media, there were between 3000-5000 participants. The roads up the mountain were clogged with RVs and buses, traditional camping areas were crowded with tent campers, and every trail had its share of day-pack hikers. It did seem to be somewhat of a populist phenomena, for those present could not be so easily pegged as simply belonging to America's counter culture. We observed young and old, rich and poor, hippie and yuppie--though most seemed to be New Age adherents. We met astrologers, channelers, and even a couple Bible-thumping locals who drove up to convert the invading New Agers. Although the event's stated purpose likely made complete sense to Arguelles, and most in attendence seemed to believe they were gathered for a significant purpose, a number of people appeared to be there to make money or simply be a part of something larger than themselves. I suppose this is no different than the "function" battle over other calendar celebrations in America (consider Labor Day or Memorial Day--while most of America sees Labor Day as a day to BBQ and relax, the unions see it as a day to promote their community values; Military groups also find they must work quite hard to re-invigorate the original purpose of the Memorial Day into public celebration). Interestingly, the most common refrain we heard during our three-day stint was, "The mountain called me to come." Ken and I observed, interviewed participants, and videotaped the event from its start to its conclusion. We walked miles of trail, visited camps, and talked to all who would talk to us. Suprisingly, once we told the participants our purpose (to record the event for future educational use), just about everyone wanted to share an opinion or experience. Purpose of the Harmonic Convergence
Who Attended the Harmonic Convergence?
Why They Came
How We Recorded the Event
Our Observations
Like most festivals I have attended there was both the conscious and unconscious borrowing of rituals and symbols from other holidays, historical festivals, and cultures. We observed African drumming, Buddhist shrines, Native American sweat lodges, Tarot cards, Rune stones, and countless charms. An appeal to magic was common: crystals from the city were "charged" with divine power by burying them in the mountain for a short time, and clean creek water was used to wash away spiritual problems. There seemed to be an almost heavy-handed attempt to incorporate some sort of sacred meaning into every action or behavior, and this often created an ironic or conflicting juxtaposition of customs and rituals (i.e., A beautifully ornate Native American "peace pipe" filled with marijuana was ceremonially passed around). Also, unlike so many local festivals that cater to children (as children are often a significant part of the shared community values), the Harmonic Convergence was primarily an adult affair (some events cost hundreds of dollars, drug use was commonplace, and many events were held a bit too far for a young child to walk to). The underlying epistomology of the event seemed to be that "truth is whatever you believe it to be." Still, there were a number of shared beliefs--beliefs that were almost universially accepted by the participants. These shared beliefs included the following:
While truth is defined individually, global change is controlled by what the majority think. If enough people "think" a belief, the belief becomes real.
Sacred things from many cultures have magical powers. Borrow freely from all cultures.
Channeling allows us to communicate with the past and the future. We can receive wisdom from those who do not have a physical existance.
Inanimate objects can communicate or have power. The mountain can "call" you to come and crystals can cure you from illnesses.
Bigfoot
What is Bigfoot?
Bigfoot, or Sasquatch as he is sometimes called, is a supernatural legend that shares a sub category with such creatures as the Loch Ness monster, the werewolf, and even the elf. Usually described as being between 7-10 feet tall and weighing somewhere between 500-1000 pounds, belief in Bigfoot is almost as widespread as belief in ghosts and flying saucers. According to Brunvand, "Supernatural legends generally take the form of supposedly factual accounts of occurrances and experiences which seem to validate folk beliefs and superstitions" It is these "supposedly factual accounts" that keep the Bigfoot legend very alive, and Mount Shasta has had it fair share of gigantic footprints and interaction with hairy giants.
While Wintu narratives do mention Mount Shasta as being home to "little people" (Theodoratus 1991), I could uncover no early Wintu, Shasta, Modoc, or Achumawi narratives mentioning a Bigfoot-like creature. The earliest Native American reference to giants on Mount Shasta occur in a narrative attributed to Wintu Grant Towendolly in the Spring 1953 Siskiyou Pioneer. Towendolly told Marcelle Masson that evil giants, the Shupchets, once lived up Flume Creek and would travel via subterranean passages to the top of Mount Shasta. Ken Goehring, a College of the Siskiyous anthropology instructor who has looked over the early Wintu, Karuk and Yuruk literature, believes that the Bigfoot phenomena is "predominately Western in origin, entirely western in character." Bigfoot, at least from a folklore and literature standpoint, is a supernatural monster. Like the giant in Jack and the Beanstalk or the creature in Shelly's Frankenstein, he is perhaps symbolic of the chaos and crude animal desires that live just beneath the surface of civilization. While the literary monster can force us to confront our unwarranted fears of others who are different, such monsters are just as commonly shown as a serious threat to what it is to be human. Subsequently, the monster is portrayed as a less-than-human part of us--a link to our Fruedian Id or dark side. Like the domesticated dog that howls back at the wolf, we are dimly aware that part of our past calls from the forest. Unfortunately, when combined with the human hope that much more should exist than what science acknowleges, this hunger for a "simpler existence" can take the form of anti-intellectualism or foster anti-science conspiracy theories. I have little doubt that it is our enigmatic human existence that creates the overwhelming desire for explanatory myths and causes us to believe in wonderous legends that break the boundaries of possibility. While I remain quite skeptical about the physical existance of Bigfoot, I do not fear that science will ever limit imagination. In fact, I agree with Ralph W. Sockman's observation that "The larger the island of knowledge, the longer the shoreline of wonder." When did the local supernatural legend start?
Melville Jacobs, a University of Washington anthropologist from 1928-1971, also argues that "Sasquatch is entirely a white man's myth, deriving from the European's greater anxiety about father figures." On the other hand, Native American narratives that refer to man-like giants do exist, and one of the earliest narratives come from the Blue Mountain region of southeastern Washington. The reference can be found in an April 1840 letter written by the Reverend Elkanah Walker, a Protestant missionary to the Spokane Indians. Preserved in the Holland Library archives on the Washington State University campus, the letter states that a Washington tribe believed "in the existence of a race of giants which inhabit a certain mountain off to the west of us." Still, based on the above information, the legend of Bigfoot appears to be a fairly recent addition to our local lore. For example, although a 1955 San Francisco Examiner article claimed that gigantic three-toed footprints were found at the 11,000 elevation on the mountain, large Lemurians were viewed as the obvious culprits. It was not until 1962, when a woman reported watching a female Bigfoot give birth on the mountain, that Bigfoot was linked by name to our local peak. Some fourteen years later, a September 9, 1976 Mount Shasta Herald article claimed that a logger came across "A huge, strange, bad-smelling creature...just south of Cascade Gulch." Later, an undated report surfaced that two men drinking beer at Bunny Flat were given a crystal by Bigfoot before he disapeared into the forest. While such sightings are certainly interesting, they offer little in the way of worthy evidence, and my cursory research turned up more hoax than substance. The actual origin of American Bigfoot lore is still in question, but there is no doubt that folklore, from the biblical account of Goliath to modern day Paul Bunyan, is certainly rich with references to giants. Most importantly, as an amateur folklorist, I have learned that nothing in our folklore is truly meaningless. Whether joke, custom, or supernatural legend about Bigfoot, we can use each bit of lore to interpret culture or the needs and desires of the human race.
How does the Legend function?

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